
Georgi Valentinovich Plekhanov (Russian: Георгий Валентинович Плеханов) was a Russian revolutionary and a Marxist theoretician. He was a founder of the Social-Democratic movement in Russia and was one of the first Russians to identify himself as "Marxist." Facing political persecution, Plekhanov emigrated to Switzerland in 1880, where he continued in his political activity attempting to overthrow the Tsarist regime in Russia. During World War I Plekhanov rallied to the cause of the Entente powers against Germany and he returned home to Russia following the 1917 February Revolution. Plekhanov was hostile to the Bolshevik party headed by Vladimir Lenin, however, and was an opponent of the Soviet regime which came to power in the autumn of 1917. He died the following year. Despite his vigorous and outspoken opposition to Lenin's political party in 1917, Plekhanov was held in high esteem by the Russian Communist Party following his death as a founding father of Russian Marxism and a philosophical thinker.
The Role of the Individual in History was first published in 1898, and occupies a very prominent place among those of Plekhanov's works in which he substantiates and defends Marxism and advocates the Marxian theory of social development. Georgi Valentinovich Plekhanov (1856-1918) was one of the leaders of Russian populism and after his emigration to Western Europe in 1880 became the foremost Russian Marxist abroad. He founded in 1883, together with Pavel Axelrod, the 'Group for the Liberation of Labor', the first Russian social democratic party, and in 1900 together with Lenin the 'Iskra', the first Russian Marxist newspaper, but a few years later broke with Lenin and sided with the Mensheviks.
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An exposition of Marxism as an integral world outlook, against those who would vulgarize and/or distort it. Appendix includes "The Materialist Conception of History," and "The Role of the Individual in History."
Socialist essay.
The "father of Russian Marxism", George Plekhanov (1857-1918) directed most of his writings against the Russian "populist" movement to which he once belonged. He insisted that although, in principle, in semi-feudal societies such as the Russian, the first revolution would of necessity have to be a "capitalist" one. However, he noted that bourgeoisie was too weak to bring it about and thus it fell upon the proletariat to conduct "both" revolutions. However, he condemned the methods of Lenin and the Bolsheviks soon after 1917. In books such as Socialism and the Political Struggle (1883), Our Differences (1884) and On the Development of the Monist View of History (1895), Plekhanov argued that a successful Marxist revolution could only take place after the development of capitalism. According to Plekhanov, it was the industrial proletariat who would bring about a socialist revolution. Plekhanov was strongly opposed to the political views of people who argued that it would be possible for a small group of dedicated revolutionaries to seize power from the Tsar. Plekhanov warned that if this happened, you would replace one authoritarian regime with another and that a "socialist caste" would take control who would impose a system of "patriarchal authoritarian communism."
1940 International Publishers edition containing two of Plekhanov's essays, The Materialist Conception of History (1897) and The Role of the Individual in History (1898).
Georgy Valentinovich Plekhanov, 1857–1918, seorang revolusioner Rusia sekaligus pendiri marxisme di Rusia dan dikenal sebagai “Bapak Marxisme Rusia.” Karya-karya terbaiknya pada bidang sejarah, filsafat, estetika, sosial, dan politik, khususnya filsafat materialisme historis, merupakan kontribusi yang sangat berharga bagi perkembangan pemikiran ilmiah dan budaya progresif.PERIHAL hubungan seni dengan kehidupan sosial, merupakan masalah yang selalu muncul dalam setiap kesusastraan yang telah mencapai suatu taraf tertentu di dalam perkembangannya. Yang paling sering, masalah itu dijawab dengan salah satu dari dua pengertian yang secara langsung saling bertolak belakang. Ada yang manusia tidak diciptakan untuk hari sabbath, melainkan hari sabbath itu untuk manusia; masyarakat tidak diciptakan untuk seniman, tetapi seniman untuk masyarakat. Fungsi seni ialah membantu perkembangan kesadaran manusia, membantu memajukan sistem sosial. Yang lain, dengan tegas menolak pandangan ini. Menurut pendapat mereka, seni merupakan tujuan pada dirinya sendiri; untuk mengubahnya menjadi sebuah alat guna mencapai suatu tujuan lain, sekalipun yang paling mulia, berarti akan memerosotkan martabat penciptaan kreatif.TETAPI aku berpendapat bahwa seni dimulai ketika seseorang membangkitkan kembali dalam dirinya sendiri emosi-emosi dan pikiran-pikiran yang telah dialaminya di bawah pengaruh realitas sekeliling dan menyatakannya dengan bayangan-bayangan tertentu. Sudah dengan sendirinya, bahwa dalam bagian terbesar kejadian, ia melakukan itu dengan sasaran menyampaikan yang telah dipikirkannya kembali dan yang dirasakannya kembali pada orang-orang lain. Seni adalah suatu gejala sosial.AKU akan mengatakan seketika, dan tanpa sedikit pun berputar-putar, bahwa aku memandang seni, seperti memandang semua gejala sosial, dari titik pandang konsepsi materialis mengenai sejarah.
Georgi V. Plekhanov 29 November 1856 – 30 May 1918) was a Russian revolutionary and a Marxist theoretician. He was a founder of the social-democratic movement in Russia and was one of the first Russians to identify himself as "Marxist." Facing political persecution, Plekhanov emigrated to Switzerland in 1880, where he continued in his political activity attempting to overthrow the Tsarist regime in Russia.Here we present his first work, written in 1883. In it, he touches on Anarchism, Bakunin, Marx, Revolution and more. Published as an e-book for the first time.Quotes from the Let us help the people in its anti-state struggle. Let us unite its dispersed efforts in one revolutionary stream – and then the awkward edifice of the state will crash, opening by its fall a new era of social freedom and economic equality! These few words expressed the whole programme of our “rebels”.In this sketchy review of the programmes of the different groups of Russian revolutionaries we must not forget that the views according to which “all constitutions” were only more or less unprofitable contracts with the devil, as old F. H. Jacobi put it – such views, we say, were typical not only of the Narodniks and anarchists. If the reader knows about Frederick Engels’ polemic with p.Titachov, he will probably remember that the editor of Nabat, a who disagreed with the Bakuninists on the question of practical struggle, was in perfect agreement with them on their basic views about the social and political condition of our country. He looked at it through the same prism of Russian exceptionalism and the “inborn communist tendencies of the Russian people”. (To be persuaded of this one needs but to compare the “Letter to Frederick Engels” just referred to with Bakunin’s pamphlet quoted above.)We Russians could add that exactly the same mish-mash reigned in the first half of the seventies in the minds of our socialists and represented the general background against which two extreme trends stood the so-called Vperyod group and the Bakuninists. The former showed a tendency towards German Social-Democracy, the latter were a Russian version of the anarchist faction of the International. Differing very greatly from each other in almost all respects, the two trends were at one – strange as that is – in their negative attitude to “politics”. And it must be confessed that the anarchists were more consistent in this respect than the Russian Social-Democrats of the time.From the anarchist point of view the political question is the touchstone of any working-class programme. The anarchists not only deny any deal with the modern state, they go so far as to exclude from their notions of “future society” anything that recalls the idea of state in one way or another. “Autonomy of the individual in an autonomous community” – such has been the motto of all consistent supporters of this trend. We know that its founder – Proudhon – in his publication La Voix du peuple set himself the not quite modest task “to do as regards the government” (which he confused with the state) “what Kant did as regards religion” and carried his anti-state zeal so far as to declare that Aristotle himself was “a sceptic in matters of state”.We cannot enter here into a detailed analysis of anarchism in general or of Bakuninism in particular. (Let us simply remind our reader of the objection made to Proudhon by Rittinghausen. “Power, government and all its forms,” said the tireless propagandist of the theory of direct popular legislation, “are only varieties of the species that is interference by society in people’s relations with things and, consequently, with one another ... I call on M. Proudhon to throw into my face, as the result of his intellectual labour, the following ’No, there must be no such interference by society in people’s relations with things and, consequently, with one another!Proletariat, syndicalism, anarchist-communist, collectivist,
CONTENTS V. Fomina, Plekhanov's Role in the Defence and Substantiation of Marxist Philosophy (Introductory Essay) SELECTED PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS Volume I Socialism and the Political Struggle Preface Our Differences Letter to P. L. Lavrov (In Lieu of Preface) Introduction Chapter I. A Few References to History Chapter II. Capitalism in Russia Chapter III. Capitalism and Communal Land Tenure Chapter IV. Capitalism and Our Tasks Chapter V. True Tasks of the Socialists in Russia Chapter VI. Conclusion Programme of the Social-Democratic Emancipation of Labour Group Second Draft Programme of the Russian Social-Democrats A New Champion of Autocracy or Mr. L. Tikhomirov's Grief Speech at the International Workers' Socialist Congress in Paris (July 14-21, 1889) For the Sixtieth Anniversary of Hegel's Death [Foreword to the First Edition (From the Translator) and Plekhanov's Notes to Engels' Book "Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy"] Bourgeois of Days Gone By The Development of the Monist View of History Preface to the Second and Third Editions Chapter I. French Materialism of the Eighteenth Century Chapter II. French Historians of the Restoration Chapter III. The Utopian Socialists Chapter IV. Idealist German Philosophy Chapter V. Modern Materialism Conclusion Appendix I . Once Again Mr . Mikhailovsky, Once More the "Triad" Appendix II. A Few Words to Our Opponents Notes Name Index Subject Index
CONTENTS B. A. Chagin G. V. Plekhanov's Defence and Substantiation of Dialectical and Historical Materialism in the Struggle Against Revisionism (Introduction) SELECTED PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS Volume II Essays on the History of Materialism Preface I. Holbach II. Helvetius III. Marx A Few Words in Defence of Economic Materialism Some Remarks on History On the Materialist Understanding of History On the "Economic Factor" (Final Version) On the Question of the Individual's Role in History On the Alleged Crisis in Marxism Bernstein and Materialism What Should We Thank Him For? Cant Against Kant or Herr Bernstein's Will and Testament Conrad Schmidt Versus Karl Marx and Frederick Engels Materialism or Kantianism Materialism Yet Again Reply to an International Questionnaire from the Newspaper La Petite Republique Socialiste The Philosophical and Social Views of Karl Marx The Initial Phases of the Theory of the Class Struggle A Critique of Our Critics Part I. Mr. P. Struve in the Role of Critic of the Marxist Theory of Social Development Article One Article Two Article Three The Materialist Understanding of History Lecture One (March8, 1901) Lecture Two (March 15, 1901) Lecture Three (March 23,1901) Lecture Four On a Book by Masaryk This Thunder Is Not from a Storm Cloud On Croce's Book Karl Marx Notes
Utopian Socialism of the Nineteenth Century was written in 1913, when Plekhanov, though in the main still a dialectical materialist, had diverged from revolutionary Marxism in certain highly essential matters of Marxist theory, and taken up an opportunist stand. An analysis of this work will, however, reveal that even in this Menshevik period of his activities, Plekhanov, in his historical and philosophical studies, remained true to the principles of historical materialism. Dealing with the Utopian socialists of England, France and Germany, this study is marked by a profoundly scientific analysis of the subject. Though the author says he was unable to make a study of the social movements that produced the Utopian socialists' ideas, his exposition of their views points in passing as it were, to certain highly important historical facts that conditioned both the character and the direction of the development of these ideas. What Plekhanov makes a thorough study of is the theoretical sources the Utopian socialists drew from, and the latter's special contribution to the treasure-house of theoretical thought. Georgi Valentinovich Plekhanov (1856-1918) was one of the leaders of Russian populism and after his emigration to Western Europe in 1880 became the foremost Russian Marxist abroad. He founded in 1883, together with Pavel Axelrod, the 'Group for the Liberation of Labor', the first Russian social democratic party, and in 1900 together with Lenin the 'Iskra', the first Russian Marxist newspaper, but a few years later broke with Lenin and sided with the Mensheviks.
Pioneering literary and art criticism from a Marxist better known for his philosophical and political works -- opinionated but extremely mind stimulating. Biographical note, Letters Without Address, French Dramatic Literature and French Eighteenth Century Painting from the Sociological Standpoint, Art and Social Life, with a comprehensive index. Names mentioned in Unaddressed Letters: Count Lev Tolstoi, Auguste Comte, Charles Darwin, Indian tribes of the United States, Schweinfurth, Du Chaillu, Alexandre Beljame, David and Charles Livingstone, Alexander the Great, Theodore de Banville, Charles Baudelaire, Gaetano Casati, Gustave Flaubert, Nikolai Gogol, Francois Guizot, Georg Wilheml Friedrich Hegel, Jules Jusserand, Richard von Langer, Napoleon Bonaparte, Milo of Crotona, Jean Racine, John Ruskin, George Sand, Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, William Shakespeare, Herbert Spencer, Karl von den Steinen, Gabriel Tarde, Ivan Turgenev, Alfred de Vigny, Wilhelm Wundt, Emile Zola, and so very many more. Georgii Valentinovich Plekhanov (1856-1918) was one of the leaders of Russian populism and after his emigration to Western Europe in 1880 became the foremost Russian Marxist abroad. He founded in 1883, together with Pavel Axelrod, the 'Group for the Liberation of Labor', the first Russian social democratic party, and in 1900 together with Lenin the 'Iskra', the first Russian Marxist newspaper, but a few years later broke with Lenin and sided with the Mensheviks.
عند مفصل القرن التاسع عشر والقرن العشرين دارت في روسيا مناظرة بالغة الاهمية حول التاريخ والعامل المحدد لتطوره .وقد تولى بليخانوف في هذه المناظرة دور المحامي والشارح معا للتصور المادي للتاريخ.فهل هذا التصور إقتصادوي؟والى اي حد تر المادية التاريخية بأن الاقتصاد هو محرك التاريخ ؟ بل ما موقفها أصلا من نظرية العوامل التاريخية ؟ان كل سؤال من اسئلة هذا الكتاب وكل جواب من أجوبته ما يزال يحتفظ بأهمية راهنة لان المناظرة بصدد إتصادوية المادية التاريخية ما تزال مسنمرة منذ عقود ولعلها ستبقى مستمرة على امتداد العقود القادمة .
Georgi Valentinovich Plekhanov was a Russian revolutionary and a Marxist theoretician. Although he supported the Bolshevik faction at the 2nd Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in 1903, Plekhanov soon rejected the idea of democratic centralism, and became one of Lenin and Trotsky's principal antagonists in the 1905 St. Petersburg Soviet. He also opposed the Soviet regime which came to power in the autumn of 1917. He died the following year. Despite his vigorous and outspoken opposition to Lenin's political party in 1917, Plekhanov was held in high esteem by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union following his death as a founding father of Russian Marxism and a philosophical thinker.Here we present, for the first in a digital version, his big critique of anarchism, social democrats, centralism and of course of imperialism and capitalism. A must read for anyone interested in political theory and history! This e-book contains an active table of contents, a short note from the publisher and a photo. See a couple of selected quotes from the We have already said that the basic premises of Tkachov’s programme are borrowed from the same source that the Russian anarchists derived their political wisdom from. Bakuninist theories lay at the basis of both groups’ teachings. But we know that Bakunin’s influence did not end there. He had pupils in the “West” too, i.e., in the very countries which he so readily contrasted with Russia. And it is remarkable that the Western followers of the author of Statehood and Anarchy attribute to the state the same overwhelming role in the history of the relations of their “West European” classes as Messrs. Tkachov and Tikhomirov ascribe to it in Russia alone, “as distinct”, so to speak, from other countries. “Suppress government dictatorship”, says Arthur Arnoult to the French workers, “and there will be facing one another only men of the same kind, only economic forces whose balance would be immediately established by a simple law of statics ... It is, therefore, the state, and the state alone, that is the cause of your weakness and your misery, just as it is the cause of the strength and the impertinent presumption of the others.” In this case the Western anarchists reason with greater courage and logic than the Russian Bakuninists and Tkachovists. In the history of every country without exception they reduce to nil the significance of the economic factor which their Russian “partners” hold to be condemned to inactivity only in Russia. The distinctive feature of Russian exceptionalism is thus turned into a cosmopolitan spectre of anarchist ignorance.-As Marx notes, all facts of great importance in world history occur, as it were, the first time as tragedy, the second as farce. The history of the French Jacobins is a majestic tragedy, lull of burning interest. But the history of the conspiratorial plans of the modern Blanquists (Russian and foreign) despite the heroism of individuals remains a farce whose tragi-comicality lies in the complete inability of the cast to understand the meaning and character of the impending working-class revolution.-From the standpoint of the Social-Democrat a true revolutionary movement at the present time is possible only among the working class; from the standpoint of the Blanquist the revolution relies only partly upon the workers, who have an “important” but not the main significance in it. The former assumes that the revolution is of “particular importance” for the workers, while in the opinion of the latter the workers, as we know, are of particular importance for the revolution. The Social-Democrat wants the worker himself to make his revolution; the Blanquist demands that the worker should support the revolution which has been begun and led for him and in his name by others, for instance by officers if we imagine something in the nature of the Decembrists’ conspiracy...theory, revolutionary, Stalin, Labor, Unions, s
English, Russian (translation)
CONTENTS A. Maslin, G. V. Plekhanov's Criticism of Idealism and Defence of Marxist Philosophical Ideas in His Writings of 1904-13 [Preface to the Third Edition of Engels' Utopian and Scientific] Synopsis of Lecture "Scientific Socialism and Religion" Translator's Preface to the Second Edition of F. Engels' Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy Patriotism and Socialism On A. Pannekoek's Pamphlet Reply to Questionnaire from the Journal Mercure De France on the Future of Religion Joseph Dietzgen Fundamental Problems of Marxism Twenty-fifth Anniversary of the Death of Karl Marx Materialismus Militans (Reply to Mr. Bogdanov) First Letter Second Letter Third Letter On Fr. Lütgenau's Book Henri Bergson On Mr. V. Shulyatikov's Book On the So-Called Religious Seekings in Russia First Article. On Religion Second Article. Once More on Religion Third Article. The Gospel of Decadence On M. Guyau's Book On W. Windelband's Book Cowardly Idealism On the Study of Philosophy Scepticism in Philosophy On Mr. H. Rickert's Book On E. Boutroux's Book French Utopian Socialism of the Nineteenth Century Utopian Socialism in the Nineteenth Century A. British Utopian Socialism B. French Utopian Socialism C. German Utopian Socialism Preface to A. Deborin's an Introduction to the Philosophy of Dialectical Materialism From Idealism to Materialism. (Hegel and Left Hegelians. -David Friedrich Strauss. - the Brothers Bruno and Edgar Bauer -Feuerbach) Notes Indices
Nestas "Reflexões Sobre a História" — anteriormente integradas na Colecção Clássicos — estão reunidos três ensaios que se complementam entre si para nos dar um perfil bem caracterizado do pensamento deste consagrado autor. No primeiro ensaio, Plekhanov traça uma panorâmica das mais importantes concepções da História. No segundo, polemiza contra certas interpretações dentro da concepção materialista da História; e, finalmente, no terceiro, procura definir as relações entre o individual e o social, sobretudo no tocante ao papel do indivíduo na dinâmica das formas sociais. Em síntese, uma obra destinada a completar a formação histórica daqueles que se interessam pelos rumos deste ramo do saber.
Madrid. 18 cm. 151 p. Encuadernación en tapa blanda de editorial ilustrada. Colección 'Akal 74', numero coleccion(35). Plekhanov, Georgi? Valentinovich 1856-1918. Traducción del ruso de Ediciones en Lenguas Extranjeras, Moscú. Razummik, Ivanov. Socialismo. Burguesía .. Este libro es de segunda mano y tiene o puede tener marcas y señales de su anterior propietario. 8473391233
CONTENTS V . Shcherbina. G. V. Plekhanov's Views of Aesthetics (Introduction) SELECTED PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS Volume V Gl. I. Uspensky [1888] S. Karonin [1890] N. I. Naumov [1897] A. L. Volynsky. Russian Critics. Literary Essays [1897] V . G . Belinsky's Literary Views [1897] N . G . Chernyshevsky's Aesthetic Theory [1897] Unaddressed Letters [1899-1900] . Translated by A. Fineberg First Letter Second Letter Third Letter Fourth Letter Notes for a Lecture on Art [1904] French Drama and French Painting of the Eighteenth Century from the Sociological Viewpoint [1905] The Proletarian Movement and Bourgeois Art [1905] Henrik Ibsen [1906] On the Psychology of the Workers' Movement (Maxim Gorky, The Enemies) [1907] The Ideology of Our Present-Day Philistine [1908] Tolstoy and Nature [1908] "Within Limits" (A Publicist's Notes) [1910] Karl Marx and Lev Tolstoy [1911] Doctor Stockmann's Son [1910] Dobrolyubov and Ostrovsky [1911] Art and Social Life [1912-13]. Translated by A. Fineberg Notes Name Index Subject Index Index of G. V. Plekhanov's Writings Included in the Present Five-Volume Edition of the "Selected Philosophical Works"
Произведение литературной критики Георгия Валентиновича Плеханова (1856—1918).
Исторические труды Георгия Валентиновича Плеханова (1856—1918), впервые опубликованные в 1880 году. «В многомиллионной массе русского крестьянства беспрерывно появляется, исчезает и вновь возникает множество самых разнообразных слухов, толков и ожиданий. Несмотря на свое видимое разнообразие, все эти слухи имеют один и тот же источник — страстное искание народом того или другого выхода из современного невыносимо-тяжкого положения».
by Georgi Plekhanov
From "HENRIK IBSEN is unquestionably one of the greatest and most sympathetic figures in modern literature. As a dramatist he probably has no peer among his contemporaries. Of course, those critics who compare Ibsen to Shakespeare fall into rather extreme exaggeration. For even if Ibsen were possessed of Shakespeare's genius, as works of art his dramas could not attain the heights of Shakespeare. They have an inartistic—an artificial—quality which can be sensed by anyone who reads Ibsen's dramas carefully and repeatedly. And that is why his dramas, replete with the greatest suspense and interest, every now and then become dull and boring. If I were opposed to works of art expressing ideas, I might say that this artificial element in Ibsen's dramas is due to the fact that they are saturated with ideas. And a statement of this kind might even, at first glance, seem very apt. But only at first glance. More careful analysis of the problem would prove this statement to be most unsatisfactory and superficial. Rene Doumic has very acutely said of "The most striking thing about this dramatist is his love for by that I mean his moral restlessness, his preoccupation with problems of conscience, his need to bring all the events of daily existence into a singler focus."' This trait, this love for ideas, cannot be isolated and considered in itself as a defect. It is, on the contrary, a great merit. It is this very characteristic which arouses our interest, not so much in Ibsen's dramas, but in Ibsen himself. It is this trait which justifies his remark, in a letter to Bjärnson written December 7, 1867, that he was "in earnest in the conduct of his life." And it is this trait which made him, to use Doumic's expression, "one of the greatest teachers of the revolt of the modern spirit."
Публицистическое произведение Георгия Валентиновича Плеханова (1856—1918), впервые опубликованное в 1895 году. «Огюстен Тьерри принадлежит к замечательной группе тех известных ученых, которые в эпоху Реставрации возобновили во Франции исторические исследования. В этой группе не было ни учителя, ни учеников. Тем не менее она образует настоящую школу, основные концепции которой весьма полезно рассмотреть».