Niall Ferguson

The 10th anniversary edition, with new chapters on the crash, Chimerica, and cryptocurrency"[An] excellent, just in time guide to the history of finance and financial crisis." — The Washington Post"Fascinating." —Fareed Zakaria, NewsweekIn this updated edition, Niall Ferguson brings his classic financial history of the world up to the present day, tackling the populist backlash that followed the 2008 crisis, the descent of "Chimerica" into a trade war, and the advent of cryptocurrencies, such as Bitcoin, with his signature clarity and expert lens. The Ascent of Money reveals finance as the backbone of history, casting a new light on familiar events: the Renaissance enabled by Italian foreign exchange dealers, the French Revolution traced back to a stock market bubble, the 2008 crisis traced from America's bankruptcy capital, Memphis, to China's boomtown, Chongqing. We may resent the plutocrats of Wall Street but, as Ferguson argues, the evolution of finance has rivaled the importance of any technological innovation in the rise of civilization. Indeed, to study the ascent and descent of money is to study the rise and fall of Western power itself.

All disasters are in some sense man-made. Setting the annus horribilis of 2020 in historical perspective, Niall Ferguson explains why we are getting worse, not better, at handling disasters.Disasters are inherently hard to predict. Pandemics, like earthquakes, wildfires, financial crises. and wars, are not normally distributed; there is no cycle of history to help us anticipate the next catastrophe. But when disaster strikes, we ought to be better prepared than the Romans were when Vesuvius erupted, or medieval Italians when the Black Death struck. We have science on our side, after all.Yet in 2020 the responses of many developed countries, including the United States, to a new virus from China were badly bungled. Why? Why did only a few Asian countries learn the right lessons from SARS and MERS? While populist leaders certainly performed poorly in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic, Niall Ferguson argues that more profound pathologies were at work--pathologies already visible in our responses to earlier disasters.In books going back nearly twenty years, including Colossus, The Great Degeneration, and The Square and the Tower, Ferguson has studied the foibles of modern America, from imperial hubris to bureaucratic sclerosis and online fragmentation.Drawing from multiple disciplines, including economics, cliodynamics, and network science, Doom offers not just a history but a general theory of disasters, showing why our ever more bureaucratic and complex systems are getting worse at handing them.Doom is the lesson of history that this country--indeed the West as a whole--urgently needs to learn, if we want to handle the next crisis better, and to avoid the ultimate doom of irreversible decline.

What if Britain had stayed out of the First World War? What if Germany had won the Second? How would England look if there had been no Cromwell? What would the world be like if Communism had never collapsed? And what if John F. Kennedy had lived? In this acclaimed book, leading historians from Andrew Roberts to Michael Burleigh explore what might have been if nine of the most decisive moments in modern history had never happened.

From the bestselling author of The Ascent of Money and The Square and the TowerIs America an empire? Certainly not, according to our government. Despite the conquest of two sovereign states in as many years, despite the presence of more than 750 military installations in two thirds of the world’s countries and despite his stated intention "to extend the benefits of freedom...to every corner of the world," George W. Bush maintains that "America has never been an empire." "We don’t seek empires," insists Defense Secretary Rumsfeld. "We’re not imperialistic." Nonsense, says Niall Ferguson. In Colossus he argues that in both military and economic terms America is nothing less than the most powerful empire the world has ever seen. Just like the British Empire a century ago, the United States aspires to globalize free markets, the rule of law, and representative government. In theory it’s a good project, says Ferguson. Yet Americans shy away from the long-term commitments of manpower and money that are indispensable if rogue regimes and failed states really are to be changed for the better. Ours, he argues, is an empire with an attention deficit disorder, imposing ever more unrealistic timescales on its overseas interventions. Worse, it’s an empire in denial—a hyperpower that simply refuses to admit the scale of its global responsibilities. And the negative consequences will be felt at home as well as abroad. In an alarmingly persuasive final chapter Ferguson warns that this chronic myopia also applies to our domestic responsibilities. When overstretch comes, he warns, it will come from within—and it will reveal that more than just the feet of the American colossus is made of clay.

A major work of economic, social and political history, Niall Ferguson's The House of Rothschild: The World's Banker 1849-1999 is the second volume of the acclaimed, landmark history of the legendary Rothschild banking dynasty. Niall Ferguson's House of Rothschild: Money's Prophets 1798-1848 was hailed as a 'great biography' by Time magazine and named one of the best books of 1998 by Business Week.Now, with all the depth, clarity and drama with which he traced their ascent, Ferguson - the first historian with access to the long-lost Rothschild family archives - concludes his myth-breaking portrait of once of the most fascinating and power families of all time.From Crimea to World War II, wars repeatedly threatened the stability of the Rothschilds' worldwide empire. Despite these many global upheavals, theirs remained the biggest bank in the world up until the First World War, their interests extending far beyond the realm of finance. Yet the Rothschilds' failure to establish themselves successfully in the United States proved fateful, and as financial power shifted from London to New York after 1914, their power waned.'A stupendous achievement, a triumph of historical research and imagination' Robert Skidelsky, The New York Review of Books 'Niall Ferguson's brilliant and altogether enthralling two-volume family saga proves that academic historians can still tell great stories that the rest of us want to read'The New York Times Book Review'Superb ... An impressive ... account of the Rothschilds and their role in history'Boston GlobeNiall Ferguson is one of Britain's most renowned historians. He is Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History at Harvard University and a Senior Research Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford. He is the bestselling author of The Pity of War, The Ascent of Money, Empire, Colossus, The War of the World and Civilization.

In The Pity of War, Niall Ferguson makes a simple and provocative argument: that the human atrocity known as the Great War was entirely England's fault. Britain, according to Ferguson, entered into war based on naïve assumptions of German aims—and England's entry into the war transformed a Continental conflict into a world war, which they then badly mishandled, necessitating American involvement. The war was not inevitable, Ferguson argues, but rather the result of the mistaken decisions of individuals who would later claim to have been in the grip of huge impersonal forces. That the war was wicked, horrific, inhuman,is memorialized in part by the poetry of men like Wilfred Owen and Siegfried Sassoon, but also by cold statistics. More British soldiers were killed in the first day of the Battle of the Somme than Americans in the Vietnam War; indeed, the total British fatalities in that single battle—some 420,000—exceeds the entire American fatalities for both World Wars. And yet, as Ferguson writes, while the war itself was a disastrous folly, the great majority of men who fought it did so with enthusiasm. Ferguson vividly brings back to life this terrifying period, not through dry citation of chronological chapter and verse but through a series of brilliant chapters focusing on key ways in which we now view the First World War.For anyone wanting to understand why wars are fought, why men are willing to fight them, and why the world is as it is today, there is no sharper nor more stimulating guide than Niall Ferguson's The Pity of War.

A bestselling historian shows how the British Empire created the modern world, in a book lauded as "a rattling good tale" ( Wall Street Journal ) and "popular history at its best" ( Washington Post)The British Empire was the largest in all history: the nearest thing to global domination ever achieved. The world we know today is in large measure the product of Britain's Age of Empire. The global spread of capitalism, telecommunications, the English language, and institutions of representative government -- all these can be traced back to the extraordinary expansion of Britain's economy, population and culture from the seventeenth century until the mid-twentieth. On a vast and vividly colored canvas, Empire shows how the British Empire acted as midwife to modernity.Displaying the originality and rigor that have made Niall Ferguson one of the world's foremost historians, Empire is a dazzling tour de force -- a remarkable reappraisal of the prizes and pitfalls of global empire.

Winner of the Estoril Global Issues Distinguished Book Prize 2013In 1412, Europe was a miserable backwater ravaged by plague, bad sanitation and incessant war, while the Orient was home to dazzling civilizations. Yet, somehow, the West came to dominate the Rest for most of the next half millennium.In this vital, brilliant book, Niall Ferguson reveals the six 'killer applications' that the Rest lacked: competition, science, property rights, medicine, consumerism and the work ethic. And he asks: do we still have these winning tools? Or is this the end of Western ascendancy?'Brilliantly written, full of wit and virtuosity, stuffed with memorable lines and gorgeous bits of information. A great read' The Times'A dazzling history of Western ideas ... epic' Economist'Vivid and fascinating' Daily Telegraph'Superb ... brings history alive ... dazzling' Independent'This is sharp. It feels urgent. Ferguson ... twists his knife with great literary brio' Andrew Marr, Financial Times

The definitive biography of Henry Kissinger, based on unprecedented access to his private papers No American statesman has been as revered or as reviled as Henry Kissinger. Once hailed as “Super K”—the “indispensable man” whose advice has been sought by every president from Kennedy to Obama—he has also been hounded by conspiracy theorists, scouring his every “telcon” for evidence of Machiavellian malfeasance. Yet as Niall Ferguson shows in this magisterial two-volume biography, drawing not only on Kissinger’s hitherto closed private papers but also on documents from more than a hundred archives around the world, the idea of Kissinger as the ruthless arch-realist is based on a profound misunderstanding.The first half of Kissinger’s life is usually skimmed over as a quintessential tale of American ascent: the Jewish refugee from Hitler’s Germany who made it to the White House. But in this first of two volumes, Ferguson shows that what Kissinger achieved before his appointment as Richard Nixon’s national security adviser was astonishing in its own right. Toiling as a teenager in a New York factory, he studied indefatigably at night. He was drafted into the U.S. infantry and saw action at the Battle of the Bulge—as well as the liberation of a concentration camp—but ended his army career interrogating Nazis. It was at Harvard that Kissinger found his vocation. Having immersed himself in the philosophy of Kant and the diplomacy of Metternich, he shot to celebrity by arguing for “limited nuclear war.” Nelson Rockefeller hired him. Kennedy called him to Camelot. Yet Kissinger’s rise was anything but irresistible. Dogged by press gaffes and disappointed by “Rocky,” Kissinger seemed stuck—until a trip to Vietnam changed everything. The Idealist is the story of one of the most important strategic thinkers America has ever produced. It is also a political Bildungsroman, explaining how “Dr. Strangelove” ended up as consigliere to a politician he had always abhorred. Like Ferguson’s classic two-volume history of the House of Rothschild, Kissinger sheds dazzling new light on an entire era. The essential account of an extraordinary life, it recasts the Cold War world.

The instant New York Times bestseller.A brilliant recasting of the turning points in world history, including the one we're living through, as a collision between old power hierarchies and new social networks.“Captivating and compelling.” — The New York Times"Niall Ferguson has again written a brilliant book...In 400 pages you will have restocked your mind. Do it." —The Wall Street Journal“ The Square and the Tower, in addition to being provocative history, may prove to be a bellwether work of the Internet Age.” — Christian Science MonitorMost history is it's about emperors, presidents, prime ministers and field marshals. It's about states, armies and corporations. It's about orders from on high. Even history "from below" is often about trade unions and workers' parties. But what if that's simply because hierarchical institutions create the archives that historians rely on? What if we are missing the informal, less well documented social networks that are the true sources of power and drivers of change?The 21st century has been hailed as the Age of Networks. However, in The Square and the Tower , Niall Ferguson argues that networks have always been with us, from the structure of the brain to the food chain, from the family tree to freemasonry. Throughout history, hierarchies housed in high towers have claimed to rule, but often real power has resided in the networks in the town square below. For it is networks that tend to innovate. And it is through networks that revolutionary ideas can contagiously spread. Just because conspiracy theorists like to fantasize about such networks doesn't mean they are not real.From the cults of ancient Rome to the dynasties of the Renaissance, from the founding fathers to Facebook, The Square and the Tower tells the story of the rise, fall and rise of networks, and shows how network theory--concepts such as clustering, degrees of separation, weak ties, contagions and phase transitions--can transform our understanding of both the past and the present.Just as The Ascent of Money put Wall Street into historical perspective, so The Square and the Tower does the same for Silicon Valley. And it offers a bold prediction about which hierarchies will withstand this latest wave of network disruption--and which will be toppled.

In his rich and nuanced portrait of the remarkable, elusive Rothschild family, Oxford scholar and bestselling author Niall Ferguson uncovers the secrets behind the family's phenomenal economic success. He reveals for the first time the details of the family's vast political network, which gave it access to and influence over many of the greatest statesmen of the age. And he tells a family saga, tracing the importance of unity and the profound role of Judaism in the lives of a dynasty that rose from the confines of the Frankfurt ghetto and later used its influence to assist oppressed Jews throughout Europe. A definitive work of impeccable scholarship with a thoroughly engaging narrative, 'The House of Rothschild' is a biography of the rarest kind, in which mysterious and fascinating historical figures finally spring to life.

The twentieth semi-annual Munk Debate pits Niall Ferguson against Fareed Zakaria to debate the end of the liberal international order. Since the end of World War II, global affairs have been shaped by the increasing free movement of people and goods, international rules setting, and a broad appreciation of the mutual benefits of a more interdependent world. Together these factors defined the liberal international order and sustained an era of rising global prosperity and declining international conflict. But now, for the first time in a generation, the pillars of liberal internationalism are being shaken to their core by the reassertion of national borders, national interests, and nationalist politics across the globe. Can liberal internationalism survive these challenges and remain the defining rules-based system of the future? Or, are we witnessing the beginning of the end of the liberal international order? The twentieth semi-annual Munk Debate, held on April 28th, 2017, pits prominent historian Niall Ferguson against CNN’s Fareed Zakaria to debate the future of liberal internationalism.

Desde o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial, as relações internacionais têm sido definidas por uma liberdade crescente de circulação de pessoas e mercadorias, pela definição de regras internacionais e por uma valorização generalizada dos benefícios para todos de um mundo mais interdependente. Em conjunto, estes factores definiram a ordem liberal internacional e contribuíram para o aumento da prosperidade global e para a diminuição dos conflitos armados à escala mundial. Mas hoje, e pela primeira vez nesta geração, os pilares do liberalismo internacional estão a ser abalados pelo regresso dos nacionalismos em todo o globo. Será a ordem liberal internacional capaz de sobreviver a estes desafios e de se manter o quadro normativo do futuro? Ou estaremos a assistir ao princípio do fim da ordem liberal internacional? Num debate estimulante, o historiador Niall Ferguson e Fareed Zakaria, escritor e jornalista norte-americano, discutem o futuro da ordem liberal internacional.

Seit dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs prägte eine zunehmend freiheitliche Weltordnung das politische Geschehen und ermöglichte eine Ära wachsenden globalen Wohlstands und abnehmender internationaler Konflikte. Zum ersten Mal seit dieser letzten Kriegsgeneration erschüttert uns eine neue globale Realität, die nicht mehr durch feste Grenzen, klare nationale Interessen und gesicherte Handelspolitik definiert ist.Der renommierte Geschichtsprofessor Niall Ferguson und der einflussreiche Politikberater Fareed Zakaria loten aus, wer die eigentlichen Nutznießer der Globalisierung sind und zeichnen zwei grundverschiedene Szenarien – eine aufschlussreiche und zukunftsweisende Debatte.

Astonishing in its scope and erudition, this is the magnum opus that Niall Ferguson's numerous acclaimed works have been leading up to. In it, he grapples with perhaps the most challenging questions of modern history: Why was the twentieth century history's bloodiest by far? Why did unprecedented material progress go hand in hand with total war and genocide? His quest for new answers takes him from the walls of Nanjing to the bloody beaches of Normandy, from the economics of ethnic cleansing to the politics of imperial decline and fall. The result, as brilliantly written as it is vital, is a great historian's masterwork.

The decline of the West is something that has long been prophesied. Symptoms of decline are all around us today, it seems: slowing growth, crushing debts, aging populations, anti-social behaviour. But what exactly is amiss with Western civilization? The answer, Niall Ferguson argues, is that our institutions - the intricate frameworks within which a society can flourish or fail - are degenerating. Representative government, the free market, the rule of law and civil society: these were once the four pillars of West European and North American societies. It was these institutions, rather than any geographical or climatic advantages, that set the West on the path to global dominance after around 1500. In our time, however, these institutions have deteriorated in disturbing ways. Our democracies have broken the contract between the generations by heaping IOUs on our children and grandchildren. Our markets are increasingly distorted by over-complex regulations that are in fact the disease of which they purport to be the cure. The rule of law has metamorphosed into the rule of lawyers. And civil society has degenerated into uncivil society, where we lazily expect all our problems to be solved by the state.The Great Degeneration is a powerful - and in places polemical - indictment of an era of negligence and complacency. While the Arab world struggles to adopt democracy, and while China struggles to move from economic liberalization to the rule of law, Europeans and Americans alike are frittering away the institutional inheritance of centuries. To arrest the degeneration of the West's once dominant civilization, Ferguson warns, will take heroic leadership and radical reform. This book is based on Niall Ferguson's 2012 BBC Reith Lectures, which were broadcast under the title 'The Rule of Law and Its Enemies'.

Does money make the world go round, as Cabaret's Master of Ceremonies sang to us? In The Cash Nexus, acclaimed historian Niall Ferguson offers a radical and surprising answer-No. Conventional wisdom has long claimed that economic change is the prime mover of political change, whether in the age of industry or the Internet. In our own time Paul Kennedy has claimed that economics provided the key to international power, while Francis Fukuyama and others have argued that capitalism doomed socialism and ensured the victory of democracy. Small wonder politicians are obsessed with the economy: the Clinton campaign motto-"It's the economy stupid" -sums up a central tenet of modern life. But is it the economy? Ferguson thinks it is high time we re-examined the link-the "nexus," to use Thomas Carlyle's term-between economics and politics, in the aftermath not only of the failure of socialism but also of the apparent triumph of American-style capitalism. His central argument is that the conflicting impulses of sex, violence, and power are together more powerful than money. In particular, political events and institutions have often dominated economic development. A bold synthesis of political history and modern economic theory, Cash Nexus will transform the landscape of modern history and draw challenging and unsettling conclusions about the prospects of both capitalism and democracy.

In ALWAYS RIGHT historian Niall Ferguson offers a characteristically original, incisive and witty account of Margaret Thatcher's reign – the word seems appropriate – as British Prime Minister. Denounced by her enemies as divisive and dictatorial, Thatcher was the greatest leader Britain has produced since Winston Churchill. The standard bearer for a decisive economic regime-change, she was also a social revolutionary who shook up the stagnant English class system. Yet she was a foreign policy realist, who restored her country’s standing in the world. And far from being an over-bearing prime minister, she ultimately fell victim to the machinations of Cabinet government. ALWAYS RIGHT is a fittingly frank assessment of a great woman who made history.Niall Ferguson is the Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History at Harvard University, a Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, and a Senior Research Fellow at Jesus College, Oxford. He has published fourteen books, including The Ascent of Money: A Financial History of the World, Civilization: The West and the Rest and, most recently, The Great Degeneration: How Institutions Decay and Economies Die. An accomplished broadcaster, in 2009 he won the International Emmy for Best Documentary. In 2010 he won the Benjamin Franklin Award for Public Service and in 2012 the Hayek Prize for Lifetime Achievement.

Bestselling author Niall Ferguson reveals for the first time the true extent of Siegmund Warburg's influence-and the lessons we can learn in a time of crisis from the last of the high financiers."Success from the financial and from the prestige point of view . . . is not enough; what matters even more is . . . adherence to high moral and aesthetic standards."-Siegmund Warburg, 1959In this pathbreaking new biography, based on more than ten thousand hitherto unavailable letters and diary entries, bestselling author Niall Ferguson returns to his roots as a financial historian to tell the story of Siegmund Warburg, an extraordinary man whose austere philosophy of finance offers much insight today.A refugee from Hitler's Germany, Warburg rose to become the dominant figure in postwar City of London and one of the architects of European financial integration. Seared by the nearcollapse and then "Aryanization" of his family's long-established bank in the 1930s and then frustrated by the stagnation of its Wall Street sister, Kuhn Loeb, in the 1950s, Warburg resolved that his own firm of S. G. Warburg (founded in 1946) would be different.An obsessive perfectionist with an aversion to excessive risk, Warburg came to embody the ideals of the haute banquet -high finance- always eschewing the fast buck in favor of gilt-edged advice. He was not only the master of the modern merger and founder of the eurobond; he was also a key behind-the-scenes adviser to governments in London, Tokyo, and Jerusalem-to his critics, a "financial Rasputin." Like a character from a Thomas Mann novel, Warburg was a complex and ambivalent man, as much a psychologist, politician, and actor-manager as he was a banker. In High Financier Niall Ferguson shares the first book-length examination of a man whose life and work suggest an alternative to the troubled business principles that helped shape our current financial landscape.

‘No civilization, no matter how mighty it may appear to itself, is indestructible.’–Niall Ferguson‘We do not need to invent the world anew. The international order established by the United States after World War II is in need of expansion and repair, but not reconception.’–Fareed ZakariaFears of a globalized world are rampant. Across the West, borders are being reasserted and old alliances tested to their limits. Could this be the end of the liberal order or will the major crises of the twenty-first century strengthen our resolve?

One of Penguin's bestselling non-fiction authors, Niall Ferguson has been hailed as the most brilliant historian of his generation for his fresh, provocative and controversial approach to subjects ranging from money to empires. This extract has been specially selected and adapted from Ferguson's bestselling The Pity of War (1998), a radical reassessment of the First World War that exploded many myths surrounding the conflict.

Excerpted from Niall Ferguson’s sprawling bestseller The War of the World, The Abyss now stands on its own as one of the most thrilling short histories of World War I ever written. This is not a conventional military history about battles and generals. Rather, The Abyss examines how World War I saw the birth of total war—fought between societies as much as armies—and must therefore be understood in terms of the financial crises it unleashed, the multinational empires it destroyed, and the hateful ideas it propagated.The most remarkable thing about the war, Ferguson shows us, is how shockingly unexpected it was. At a time when economic integration and technology seemed to be rendering war between great powers impossible, World War I was the moment when that process went into reverse and the lethal forces of ethnic disintegration took over. Now, on the cusp of the 100th anniversary of its outbreak, we can see World War I as much more than just four years of industrialized slaughter. Weaving together the economics of empire and the ideology of race—and featuring an original preface by the author as well a teaser from his new paperback Civilization—The Abyss is world history at its finest.

In the sweep of human history, the European Union stands out as one of humankind's most ambitious endeavours. It encompasses half a billion people, twenty-seven member states, twenty-three languages, and an economy valued at over $15 trillion. Modern Europe's stunning achievements aside, its sovereign debt crisis has shaken the world's largest political and economic union to its core. Can the federal institutions and shared values of Europeans meet the challenges of debt crisis that are as much political as economic? Or, are Europe's current woes indicative of a series of deep structural faults that foreshadow the breakup and failure of the European Union? In this edition of the Munk Debates -- Canada's premier international debate series -- former EU Commissioner Lord Peter Mandelson and EU parliament co-president of the Greens/European Free Alliance Group Daniel Cohn-Bendit, German publisher-editor and author Josef Joffe, and renowned economic historian Niall Ferguson debate the future of the EU -- one of the most pressing global issues of our day. For the first time ever, this electrifying debate, which played to a sold-out audience, is now available in print, along with candid interviews with Niall Ferguson and Lord Peter Mandelson. As youth unemployment rates flare, currencies collapse, and political alliances erode, the Munk Debate on Europe tries to Has the great European experiment failed?

Few economic events have had the impact of German hyperinflation in 1923, still remembered as a root cause of Hitler's rise to power; yet in recent years historians have defended the inflationary policies adopted after 1918. Niall Ferguson takes a different view. He argues that inflation was an economic and political disaster, and that alternative economic policies could have stabilized the German currency in 1920. To explain why these were not adopted, he points to long-term defects in the political institutions of the Reich from the 1890s. The book therefore not only reveals the Wilhelmine origins of Weimar's failure: it also casts new light on the origins of the Third Reich.

Lawrence James, author of Rise and Fall of the British Empire and more; Niall Ferguson, writer and presenter of Empire for Channel 4 and Professor of Political and Financial History at Oxford University; and Andrew Roberts, biographer of Neville Chamberlain's and Winston Churchill's foreign secretary, the Earl of Halifax, spoke for the motion.Dr. Richard Drayton, Cambridge University lecturer in Imperial and extra-European History; Yasmin Alibhai-Brown, Senior Researcher at the Foreign Policy Centre; and David Washbrook, Reader in Modern South Asian History at Oxford University, spoke against the motion.The debate, held on June 1, 2004, was chaired by Richard Lindley, a veteran television reporter and presenter who has worked for both BBC and ITV current affairs, as well as for the news, at ITN.Intelligence Squared is London's leading forum for live debate, holding regular debates on the crucial issues of the day and inviting the leading intellectual and political lights on the given subject to participate in them. The format of the debates is modeled on the one employed at the Oxford and Cambridge university Unions: a challenging, sharply defined motion; a team of speakers to propose the motion and a like number to oppose it; and a moderator to keep the speakers and the audience in order and force everyone to stick to the issues. After the main speeches and before summation, contributions are asked from the floor: audience participation is a key feature of the occasion, providing a rare opportunity for the public to voice their opinions and to challenge those of the speakers. A vote is taken before the debate begins and then again at the end so as to give a measure, often a very dramatic one, of the extent to which the audience has been swayed by the oratory and arguments of the speakers in the course of the evening.

In Saucer, after discovering the secrets of a 140,000-year-old spacecraft and delivering it to safety in the Air and Space Museum of the Smithsonian right alongside Lindbergh's Spirit of St. Louis, Rip Cantrell and beautiful test pilot Charley Pine think their days of high-flying extraterrestrial adventure are over. However, that will change in the sequel, Saucer: The Conquest, because someone is using top-secret information about saucer technology, information that comes from the mysterious region in Nevada known as Area 51. Meanwhile, Charley takes up flying space planes to the moon for the French lunar base project. There she discovers a world-threatening antigravity beam. The French kidnap Rip's uncle, Egg, and force him to fly a saucer hidden in Area 51 to the moon. Rip and Charley must steal the first saucer from its new home at the museum and hit the not-so-friendly skies again in order to save Uncle Egg and the world. Stephen Coonts? first Saucer was a smash hit. Now the unlikely duo of Rip Cantrell and Charley Pine are back, so strap in and leave your passports behind as the flight for freedom on the new frontier begins.

In the 26th John Bonython lecture, Niall Ferguson, one of the world's leading geo-economic thinkers and historians, discussed the complexity behind great national powers and whether the rise and fall of empires is cyclical or arrhythmic.This lecture offered an alternative analysis to commonly accepted history. With the rise of China as a viable superpower, a Keynesian president at the helm of the United States, India now the worlds largest democracy, and rampant global economic instability, the address offered a timely review of primacy, leadership, and the complex systems that make up civilizations. In his exclusive talk for the Centre Of Independent Studies, Ferguson examined whether the rise and fall of empires is cyclical or arrhythmic in nature, and to what extent arrogant, or naive - economic profligacy contributes to their downfall.

Throughout the history of our civilization, education has been seen both by philosophers and national leaders and by educators to be essential for social cohesion and for economic development. Added to this is the fact that a good experience of education greatly enhances the quality of life of students not only during periods of formal education, but also throughout their lives. There is, however, inevitably a certain tension between the (proper) interest of governments in ensuring that education will prepare all young people to be good and effective citizens and the desire of educators to ensure that the learning experience of each individual student is as rich and personally developmental as possible. It is, of course, important to have comparable standards within a single country and as far as possible between countries. However, this does not apply, we would argue, when it comes to issues of curriculum, where standardisation leads all too swiftly to constraint and over-heavy regulation. The liberal tradition in education places great emphasis on individual freedom and its emphasis goes well beyond promoting 'freedom from...', rather positioning and promoting education as 'freedom to...' It is this commitment to education s emancipatory potential that underpins all the essays in this book. We focus on three key the curriculum; pedagogy; and the role of secondary education in widening participation in higher education. We invited authoritative thinkers and practitioners to address these issues from different perspectives in order to generate a debate around how we can translate our shared vision of education as authentically enabling and emancipatory into a transformational reality for all young people. The world of schools and universities is changing rapidly, as globalisation expands all possibilities of communication and mobility. New and emerging technologies are changing the ways that teaching and learning occur, and especially as social networking technologies evolve, the public and the private blur and merge; learning and socialising become closer and intertwined; hierarchies mutate and dissolve as students learn better to interrogate and to research, and take the opportunity to be part of the process of the creation and management of knowledge rather than simply the recipients of it. Exciting and pioneering work is taking place across the UK, as is evidenced from the essays in this volume. Significantly, there is increasing awareness of the need to share ideas and exchange good practice not only between different parts of the secondary schools sector, but also between the schools sector and the University and the FE sector and between educators and policy-makers. This book presents a variety of different pioneering initiatives with a series of commentaries from different perspectives on where education is and where it is going. We hope the often challenging insights of our distinguished contributors will serve as sign-posts to an educational landscape of greater diversity and greater autonomy for learners and teachers alike. We hope also that they will serve as catalysts for further debate on how we can work and think together truly to liberate learning and to widen participation in a lifelong adventure of learning.

Ένα μνημειώδες έργο που διαθέτει άπειρα πλεονεκτήματα ως ιστορικο-πολιτική ανάλυση και που θα μπορούσε να χαρακτηριστεί ως ένα από τα σπουδαιότερα εκδοτικά γεγονότα φέτος στην Ελλάδα, προσφέρουν στο απαιτητικό κοινό οι εκδόσεις Ιωλκός. Ο ίδιος ο συγγραφέας του έργου, Νάιαλ Φέργκιουσον, έχει καταλήξει στο συμπέρασμα πως ο 20ός αι. υπήρξε ο «Αιώνας του Μίσους», για την Ανθρωπότητα. Με το παρόν έργο του διεισδύει στα βαθύτερα αίτια τα οποία κατέστησαν αυτήν την ιστορική περίοδο ως την πλέον αιματηρή για το ανθρώπινο είδος από την πρώτη εμφάνισή του στη Γη.Ο 20ός αι. κυριαρχήθηκε από δύο Παγκόσμιους Πολέμους, εκατοντάδες άλλες μικρότερες διακρατικές περιφερειακές συγκρούσεις και εμφύλιες διαμάχες, καθώς και από μία σειρά "ψυχρά οργανωμένων και σχεδιασμένων από κεντρικούς κρατικούς φορείς" πληθυσμιακών εξολοθρεύσεων (εθνοκαθάρσεων). Ο ίδιος αιώνας «κληροδότησε» στο διάδοχό του, τον 21ο, το βάρος της ανατροπής τού κυριότερου δημιουργήματος των αστικών επαναστάσεων αλλά και της λεγόμενης βιομηχανικής επανάστασης: Του εθνικού κράτους. Αν για την κατάρρευση και τη διάλυση των πολυεθνικών αυτοκρατοριών χύθηκαν τόσοι ποταμοί αίματος, πόσο αίμα άραγε θα πρέπει να χυθεί προκειμένου να επιτευχθεί η διάσπαση του πυρήνα του εθνικού κράτους;Το βιβλίο «Ο Πολέμος στον Κόσμο» εξηγεί πώς η τεράστια πνευματική, τεχνολογική, οικονομική και κοινωνική πρόοδος του 20ού αι. χρησιμοποιήθηκε σε μέγιστο βαθμό για αθέμιτους σκοπούς και κυρίως για τη «βιομηχανοποίηση» των γενοκτονιών και της διάλυσης κρατών. Η έρευνα του Φέργκιουσον, με το σπινθηροβόλο της πνεύμα, οδηγεί τα βήματα του αναγνώστη από τα γκουλάγκ της σιβηρικής στέπας στα ναζιστικά στρατόπεδα εξόντωσης των πεδιάδων της Πολωνίας, από τους δρόμους του Σεράγεβου στις αμμουδιές της ιαπωνικής Οκινάουα, από τις αποβάθρες της φλεγόμενης Σμύρνης στα πεδία θανάτου των Ερυθρών Χμερ της Καμπότζης.Είναι ένα έργο γεμάτο καινοφανείς απαντήσεις που μεταμορφώνει εντελώς το μέχρι τώρα γνωστό πεδίο της ιστοριογραφικής έρευνας. Το κείμενο συνοδεύεται από πλούσια εικονογράφηση και χαρτογράφηση, αναλυτικό ευρετήριο κύριων ονομάτων και όρων, καθώς και πρόσφατα ενημερωμένη διεθνή βιβλιογραφία.

The Caledonian Railway was the largest of the three Scottish companies to go into the London, Midland & Scottish Railway at the grouping in 1923. This illustrated Railways in Retrospect book looks at how the 'Caley' system fared in the ownership of the the working of its main and secondary lines, infrastructure improvements, motive power, rolling stock and shipping developments, the challenge of the war years and the legacy left to British Railways at nationalization.